“If you talk about us without us, you continue to fail us”

By Haimanot Atinkut: Independent Political Analyst Specializing in Horn of Africa Affairs

The content includes all major historical and analytical sections from 1974 to 2025, and concludes with references and source listings.

Local residents walk past a T-62 main battle tank stranded outside the Presidential Palace following a battle between rebel forces and the government.

1. Derg to Democracy? The Shadows That Still Linger

It’s hard to talk about Ethiopia’s present without revisiting its past. The Derg regime, remembered for its iron-fisted rule and brutal Red Terror, left behind scars still visible in the national psyche. The famine of the 1980s, amplified by state negligence, remains a symbol of systemic failure.

Fast forward to the EPRDF era—a government that boasted two decades of economic growth but ruled with an increasingly authoritarian grip. Ethnic federalism may have looked inclusive on paper, but critics say it laid the groundwork for the fractured, factional politics that followed. The 2005 elections—once hailed as a democratic milestone—ended in bloodshed, arrests, and a chilling of civil society. By 2018, the country was aching for change.

2. The Reform Wave That Turned Into a Storm

“I came back to Ethiopia after ten years in exile because I believed in the new dawn,” said a former Ginbot 7 member. “Now I fear we’ve swapped one style of oppression for another.”

“Peace with Eritrea was our brightest hour,” said a diplomat who worked on the agreement. “But what followed was a darkness we didn’t anticipate.”

When Abiy Ahmed took office, he was greeted as a reformist savior. Political prisoners were freed. Exiles returned. Peace was made with Eritrea. And Ethiopia captured the global imagination when Abiy won the Nobel Peace Prize.

The return of groups like Ginbot 7, the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), and diaspora coalitions like ECARDF marked a new chapter. But OLF factions continued armed resistance in Oromia, while ECARDF remained politically marginal.

For many Oromo politicians, the core issues—land ownership, economic exclusion, and cultural recognition—remained unanswered. “We are told the federal structure empowers us, but when we speak up, we’re accused of breaking the nation,” said an OLF-affiliated regional councilor.

“The never-ending question is simple,” added an Oromo university student in Ambo. “Are we citizens, or are we suspects?”

Then came the flashpoint: the assassination of Oromo icon Hachalu Hundessa. Ethiopia spiraled into unrest. The Tigray conflict exploded. Reforms gave way to repression.

“I came back to Ethiopia after ten years in exile because I believed in the new dawn,” said a former Ginbot 7 member. “Now I fear we’ve swapped one style of oppression for another.”

“Peace with Eritrea was our brightest hour,” said a diplomat who worked on the agreement. “But what followed was a darkness we didn’t anticipate.”

When Abiy Ahmed took office, he was greeted as a reformist savior. Political prisoners were freed. Exiles returned. Peace was made with Eritrea. And Ethiopia captured the global imagination when Abiy won the Nobel Peace Prize.

The return of groups like Ginbot 7, the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), and diaspora coalitions like ECARDF marked a new chapter. But OLF factions continued armed resistance in Oromia, while ECARDF remained politically marginal.

Then came the flashpoint: the assassination of Oromo icon Hachalu Hundessa. Ethiopia spiraled into unrest. The Tigray conflict exploded. Reforms gave way to repression.

3. The Amhara: Between Marginalization and Massacres

For many Amharas, the Prosperity Party era has been a nightmare. From the Wollega massacres to the Metekel atrocities, Amhara civilians have been repeatedly targeted—and often forgotten in international coverage.

“This is not just a humanitarian crisis. It’s an identity crisis, and the Amhara people feel abandoned by the very state meant to protect them,” said an Amhara civic leader in exile.

“They come at night, and we run with our children. No one comes for us,” recalled a mother displaced from West Oromia.

4. Growth Numbers vs. Grocery Prices

“We used to buy flour in kilos. Now we buy it in cups,” said a mother in Debre Markos. “Wheat is growing in the media, not on our plates.”

According to a trader in Shashemene, “There’s wheat on TV and hunger in the streets. What kind of miracle is this?”

Sure, the numbers look good on paper—8% economic growth, booming reforms, new stock exchanges. But ask a mother in Bahir Dar how far her money goes, and you’ll hear about inflation, shortages, and hunger.

The wheat expansion program promised food sovereignty. But critics argue it’s a politically staged success, unevenly implemented, with rural areas in conflict zones excluded from support. “We hear about wheat exports, but we can’t afford bread,” said a farmer in Gojjam.

5. Famine in the Fields of Plenty

Aid groups cite over 10 million Ethiopians in urgent need. In Amhara, Afar, and Tigray, famine isn’t a memory—it’s a daily reality. And the suspension of U.S. food aid over corruption only deepened the suffering.

“Our hands are tied, and our people are starving,” a health worker told The New York Times.

6. Who’s Watching the Watchdogs?

“When we ask questions, they call us traitors,” said a journalist from Capital Ethiopia. “Our pens have become dangerous tools.”

A veteran editor added, “The line between national security and censorship has disappeared. We’ve become suspects, not storytellers.”

Over 200 journalists have been arrested since 2020. Independent voices have been muffled. State media dominates. “We went from reporting history to becoming its victims,” said a detained journalist from Addis Standard.

7. Mega Projects, Mega Questions

Addis makeover projects, the “Gebeta LeHager” campaign, and corridor initiatives were intended to unify development. But many locals say they’ve been excluded, displaced, or ignored.

“These projects look good on posters but bulldoze our communities,” one resident of eastern Oromia said.

8. Ethiopia’s Healthcare Crisis: Doctors on the Brink

“We heal people by day and protest by night,” said a striking doctor in Hawassa. “This isn’t just about money. It’s about dignity.”

Another physician noted, “Medical school took eight years. Starvation takes less.”

In May 2025, medical professionals initiated a nationwide strike. Most earn less than regional averages. Some were jailed for protesting. “We heal others, but no one wants to heal our system,” a physician said.

9. Ethiopia’s Education Sector: Teachers Struggling Amid Economic Pressures

“Our classrooms are overcrowded and our wallets are empty,” said a teacher in Mekelle. “We teach hope, but we can’t afford lunch.”

A school principal in Dessie added, “Morale is as low as our chalk supply. No one’s listening.”

Despite a new salary scale in 2024, many educators say pay remains inadequate. “We educate the next generation, but we are treated as if we’re dispensable,” said one teacher in Bahir Dar.

10. A Way Out: The Hard Truths and the Road Ahead

Dialogue must be inclusive. Federalism must be balanced. Justice must replace impunity. “If you talk about us without us, you continue to fail us,” said a youth activist from Gondar.

References

Local Ethiopian News Sources:

Key International and Regional References:

Political Parties and Opposition Groups:

  • Oromo Liberation Front (OLF)
  • Ginbot 7 / Ethiopian Citizens for Social Justice (EZEMA)
  • National Movement of Amhara (NaMA)
  • Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF)
  • Ethiopian Citizens Alliance for Reform and Democracy (ECARDF)
  • Eritrean Government (Regional Influence)