It also pains me greatly that Ethiopia has been landlocked for the past thirty years. The way this came about is deeply troubling. This grievance is not new—even before I became Prime Minister, I spoke and wrote about it. It should never have happened. I believe we must resolve the issue without harming others while safeguarding our own interest. We have enough resources. It should be resolved through dialogue and legal means, not force. The injustice committed on Ethiopia is not like any other landlocked country in the world. This angers me, and I am convinced it must be rectified. A geographically imprisoned nation—a nation imprisoned by its geography—is something that weighs heavily on me. This must change.
Source: EBC
EBC: What does Ethiopianness mean to you, Prime Minister?
Abiy: Ethiopianness is not something we can easily discuss without first agreeing on its definition. What is Ethiopianness? Who is an Ethiopian? Why do we consider Ethiopianness as the overarching identity that unites us all? I’m not sure everyone interprets it the same way. For me, Ethiopianness is a common fate. It is not about individual achievements but about what we can accomplish as a people within this grand identity. Ethiopianness is where we find the interests of family, individual, community, and, above all, national interest.
Given our diversity—in ethnicity, language, and culture—we need a common narrative that binds us without diluting our core identity. Beyond that, it requires building a generation capable of realizing our national interest. By “national interest,” I mean something that transcends personal desires.
One of the major challenges in Ethiopia today is the crisis of identity. A person is not defined by a single identity. I, Abiy, can be identified by my ethnicity, religion, education, or other aspects. But if I emphasize one over others, the true meaning and balance of Ethiopianness is lost. Ethiopianness is an all-encompassing identity. There are sub-identities beneath it, but they are secondary. Therefore, Ethiopianness means rallying around the greater identity—the one that unites, strengthens, and uplifts us. Ethiopianness is a profound concept. It is not about yesterday or tomorrow; it is about from A to Z (from beginning to end). It is not a matter of convenience—something we praise when it benefits us and abandon when it doesn’t. Ethiopianness is a cause worth sacrificing for, a value worth paying for. In short, Ethiopianness is a flowing river. I believe Ethiopianness exists and will continue to exist.
EBC: How should we view our past?
Abiy: We must view the past within its context. The purpose of examining history is not to judge but to learn. There are many lessons in our past. If we fail to learn, we will repeat mistakes, and those mistakes will burden future generations. If we look at the past to judge, we should have been present in that era. Each generation has differences in thought, knowledge, and resources. Therefore, our approach to history should be for learning, not condemnation. Obsessing over the past—whether in hatred or excessive admiration—distorts our understanding. If we hate the past too much, we overlook valuable lessons. If we glorify it too much, we remain stuck in it instead of building the present. Both extremes are wrong.
EBC: Among the most unforgettable and remarkable decisions of the reform was allowing exiled political groups to return to the country. You are also known for inviting all political forces to come back and participate in the political arena. However, considering some of the developments that followed, do you still believe this decision was the right one?
Abiy:This question is raised by many people. However, one cannot gain full understanding by looking at just a single incident or trigger point. Every trigger point has its context (proximity). There are also structural issues at play. At the structural level: When we assumed power, the country was drowning in debt, numerous projects had been started but abandoned midway, Ethiopia was a geographic prisoner—landlocked and constrained. A nation as vast as Ethiopia, with a population of 130 million and immense productive potential, was essentially a prisoner – a geographic prisoner. Being landlocked was not just a challenge, but an increasingly pressing one that had been holding us back. The Ethiopia we inherited was shackled by its geography. Institutional decay was rampant. The existing institutions were structurally weak, unable to fulfill their mandates as they were not properly established in the first place. On top of this, there were numerous restrictive laws constraining progress.
Perhaps most damaging of all was the years-long cultivation of divisive rhetoric – narratives that pitted people against each other. Both the media landscape and political arena had become toxic environments of polarization. When we made the decision to allow opposition groups to return and release prisoners, we were fundamentally transforming the political landscape. We didn’t claim that every released prisoner would benefit the country, nor that none would cause harm. Similarly, we didn’t assert that every opposition group was virtuous or that none posed risks. This decision was rooted in our commitment to embrace democracy. Democracy is inherently messy – it’s not a smooth, easy path. While it’s undoubtedly the preferred system for nations like ours, it’s far from being a seamless highway. There will always be bumps and obstacles along the way. The crucial thing is our determination to resolve these challenges as they arise. This decision, while bringing significant benefits, has also created complex challenges within our broader reform process. When we came to power, one of our fundamental commitments was to work toward establishing democracy in Ethiopia. Therefore, our policy decision was that all voices should have a platform – everyone deserved space to present themselves in the political marketplace.
The people we brought back from exile aren’t merely liabilities. We’ve gained tremendously. Many are now actively serving their country – some in the federal cabinet, others in regional administrations. Several have joined universities as educators, while others are contributing through business ventures. Therefore, we must assess this decision not in absolute terms of complete success or total failure, but rather recognize – like any major policy – it has both strengths and weaknesses. This is the balanced perspective we should maintain. On balance, we’ve gained more than we’ve lost, though there have certainly been some costs. We continue to learn from these experiences while building on the benefits.
EBC: We’ve observed certain political groups that appear to shift their stance – sometimes acting as supporters, other times as opponents. What would you say is the reason behind this political vacillation?
Abiy: The tendency to sometimes support and sometimes oppose is actually a sign of healthy political culture—when kept in proper balance. Politics shouldn’t demand constant allegiance nor perpetual opposition. We should view politics like navigating a sea: sometimes the waters are calm, other times turbulent with waves that threaten to capsize our vessel and even endanger lives. A sailor who only knows calm waters may imagine they can handle any storm—but without understanding proper navigation techniques, they risk being overwhelmed when turbulence hits. Yet storms aren’t always destructive. Sometimes what appears as a threatening wave becomes a tailwind that propels us faster toward our destination than we ever imagined. The key is discerning the nature of each challenge. This reform journey—one of Africa’s most celebrated transformations—has earned unprecedented global acclaim precisely because we’ve navigated both storms and favorable winds with equal wisdom. People should not forget about this reform . From the Nobel Peace Prize to recognition by over 27 universities, this reform has earned exceptional acclaim—celebrated by countless international institutions as remarkable and admirable, both globally, across Africa, and within Ethiopia itself. Yet this same reform has also accommodated critics—those who opposed it from the start, those who joined the opposition later, and those who constantly vacillate. Neither support nor opposition has been absolute. The movement hasn’t struggled from lack of support nor drowned in excessive praise, because it has weathered both equally well. Winds may change direction, but we know our destination: prosperity. Our destination is a stable Ethiopia. Our destination is an Ethiopia free from begging. We haven’t become intoxicated by praise, nor have we been broken by curses. From both the commendation and condemnation, we seek to learn why. One challenge we’ve observed lies in how opposition parties perceived the reform. Our own perspective alone isn’t sufficient – to truly understand, one must revisit the address we delivered to Parliament on April 24, 2018. That statement remains unchanged; it’s the same vision we reaffirm annually. We haven’t altered course. We declared our objectives clearly and continue to live by that speech daily. Yet some hear not what we actually said, but what they wanted to hear. Certain critics – largely some figures – imagined we could remotely controll the reform that the reform would follow their preferred path. Others, mistakenly , predicted we wouldn’t last beyond two or three months, claiming they’d take over power from us by then. These individuals imagined themselves as the true architects of change while viewing us as mere placeholders. Some held this misconception from the outset, while others came to realize their error over time. The fundamental issue is that most who entertain such notions have no real understanding of governance. They fantasize about running a government without ever having served at even the most basic administrative levels – never managing a kebele for a year, never leading a government agency, never experiencing the weight of public service. Some haven’t even held down regular employment, yet they presume to comprehend the solemn responsibility of governance. This reveals a profound self-delusion – they believe themselves capable of dismantling, leading, or inheriting a government apparatus they’ve never bothered to understand. It reflects a dangerous misjudgment of their own capabilities. We extended our hands openly to both Europe and America in welcome. Some came seeking only personal gain—when they failed to extract what they wanted from us, they withdrew in frustration. Others misunderstood our invitation; when we said “Come, let’s work together for the nation’s progress,” they assumed we meant to give them Arat Kilo [the Prime Minister’s office]. These miscalculations led to their disappointment. Yet those who shared our genuine vision—who truly wanted to build the country, who brought ideas and willingness to work—they remained steadfast. This selective engagement reveals the nature of political support: many were motivated by self-interest rather than principle or national interest. Today, anyone who comes with constructive ideas and peaceful principles isn’t a liability—they’re an asset. The tragedy of Ethiopian politics is that it’s too often dominated by intrigue and conspiracy rather than principled engagement.
The capabilities of our law enforcement agencies—defense, security, and cybersecurity—today are incomparable to what existed before the reforms. We’ve built formidable capacity. Ethiopia’s current law enforcement institutions can overcome any threat that may arise, without question. We’ve achieved exceptional competence.
Where we once begged for ammunitions , we now manufacture them. Where we once imported countless goods, we now produce them. Today, we’re not just building—we have stronger partnerships and greater purchasing power. Without any doubt, Ethiopia’s sovereignty and unity pose no challenge to our government today. We are fully capable of safeguarding our sovereignty against any force.
EBC: It is believed that there are visible changes happening in the economy. Along with this, there are also emerging issues. In particular, the rising cost of living is raising concerns among the public. What do you say is the solution to these problems? There are noticeable developments linked to the growing economy. On the other hand, there are also issues related to the high cost of living. How do you suggest we balance and bring about a solution?
Abiy: Let’s take the cost of living—or inflation—as an example. Before the reforms, the inflation has been growing continuously for at least 20 years in Ethiopia. Inflation had not been interrupted for 20 years. Inflation hitting for one, two, or three years is not the same as persisting for 10 or 15 years. Because it has taken deep root, correcting it now will be equally challenging. One of the challenges we faced was not just debt, but inflation that had been rising continuously without interruption. This problem—this disease—was already present. Then, on top of this disease, another crisis struck. What was this crisis? First, it was COVID-19. Before we could even grasp it, something called corona emerged, disrupting our thoughts and our plans. How did COVID-19 destabilize us? Countries that used to say, “We will help you,” when COVID hit, their own problems became their priority, and ours became secondary. They had no time to even look our way—they were overwhelmed themselves. Then came the Ukraine war. The Ukraine war brought a dramatic shift. It drastically reduced the amount of aid flowing into Africa, redirecting resources there. The nations, institutions, and individuals who used to pay attention to us and offer support turned away, focusing on their own major issues. We had our own challenges, and just as we were struggling to overcome them, another crisis struck—a crisis that disrupted trade, aid, and support. Then came yet another problem: conflict. Internal strife erupted from all sides—left and right. These conflicts consumed our full attention, draining our time, resources, and energy—preventing us from focusing on what truly mattered. These were the crises we faced. They were not just additional burdens on existing hardships; they compounded them.
A third layer of difficulty was inflation. In the years before COVID-19, Ethiopia’s inflation was already rising year after year. But after COVID, inflation became a global affliction. We were already dealing with a persistent problem, and then another crisis hit—one that was not just ours but the world’s. When I reflect on this, the solution to this problem is not simple . In the first chapter, we focused on addressing the economy. In the second chapter, we emphasized the need to leapfrog. Incidentally, over the past six to seven years, the Ethiopian government’s expenditure on salaries has been increasing by 21% annually. Before the reforms, the number of government employees was around 57,000. Now, it has surpassed 2.5 million. In just these six to seven years, the number of government employees has grown by 44%. To put this growth into perspective, let’s examine a few sectors. We have increased the number of teachers by one-third compared to pre-reform levels. Over the past six years, Ethiopia has seen a 36% rise in the number of teachers. Why this expansion? Because more than 35,000 kindergartens have been built across Ethiopia. When we look at healthcare, over the past six to seven years, we have added 53% more health professionals. That means a 53% increase in the number of healthcare workers compared to what we had before.
When we implemented the reforms, we recognized that salary increases were necessary. As a government, we have increased [salary expenditures] by 91 billion Birr for the fiscal year. Before, there were government employees at the lower level earning just 1,000 Birr per month. We did not follow a “minimum wage” policy as a country. However, for these low-paid government workers, we set a minimum salary of 4,800 Birr. As a result, those who were earning the lowest incomes saw a 300% increase in their salaries. For higher-level employees, the increase was smaller. The reason is that Ethiopia does not have the capacity to inject more than 91 billion Birr. Salaries in Ethiopia are still insufficient—my salary is insufficient. But on one hand, we are addressing the existing problem, and on the other, we are building a nation for future generations. Without some level of sacrifice, we cannot achieve what we aspire to. Now, the federal government’s salary expenditure has risen to 450 billion Birr. Believe it or not, nearly half of the revenue we collect goes to salaries. We generate roughly 900 billion Birr in revenue—half of that is spent on salaries. This is a country grappling with complex challenges—accumulated crises and inflation. Addressing all these issues at once is difficult, so we are working on foundational reforms while gradually resolving problems step by step. This is the expected approach. The reason is that correcting the cost of living while simultaneously fostering growth is like repairing an airplane mid-flight. It’s like fixing a car while it’s still moving. To make repairs, you sometimes have to stop. For example, if Ethiopia were to completely halt all ongoing projects and pause public investments, there’s no doubt inflation would drop sharply. If we suspended the Grand Renaissance Dam for two years, inflation would plummet. But this would only provide short-term relief—a week’s worth of breathing room—because it doesn’t prepare today’s economy to meet tomorrow’s demands. It would merely act as a painkiller. The underlying disease could return, perhaps even worse. What we are doing instead is growing while actively working to curb inflation. Has there truly been growth in Ethiopia over the past six or seven years? Well, those six or seven years include the period of COVID-19 and the war. If we exclude those years, we haven’t even had a full six or seven years. But even when we factor them in and ask, “Has there been growth?”—to speak honestly—it’s important for the Ethiopian people to open their eyes, broaden their minds, and recognize the opportunities. . What Ethiopia is experiencing is not just growth—it’s a miracle. The changes happening in Ethiopia are unfolding with greater speed and quality than we ever imagined. If we fail to see this progress with clear eyes, if we cannot be patient and supportive, it could lead us to dangerous crises and hardships. Many may not notice, but let me highlight just a few indicators that can be described as miraculous. This is a year of leapfrog for Ethiopia. If Ethiopia repeats this performance for four consecutive years, its hardships will be over. However, sustaining this momentum requires a shared vision, collective effort, and united action.
Between 1992 and 2006, Ethiopia earned a total of $7.5 billion from exports. But now, in just one year, Ethiopia generates over $8 billion from exports alone. One must ask: What could this country have achieved in 15 years if it had consistently performed at this level? If we had worked such miracles for those 15 years, imagine where we would be today. This realization should spark a sense of urgency and a commitment to reform . A significant portion of Ethiopia’s annual earnings now comes from coffee For example, between 1992 and 2006, Ethiopia earned only $3.5 billion from coffee exports. Now, in just one year, it earns $2.5 billion from coffee alone. Where did this come from? It’s the Green Legacy initiative. We planted, we persevered, and now we are reaping the rewards. This is no ordinary achievement. We planted billions of seedlings, nurtured them, and now our coffee—both in quality and export earnings—has flourished. Is this not the very definition of leapfrogging? Consider gold exports: From 1992 to 2006, Ethiopia earned just $508 million over 15 years. Now, in a single year**, it earns $3.2 billio. What greater leap could there be? If we sustain this momentum for five or ten years, the transformation would be unimaginable. Ethiopia is undergoing visible, tangible, and measurable change. But our responsibility is to sustain this progress and lay a solid foundation for future generations. This demands persistence, sacrifice, and hard work—there’s no meaningful change without struggle.
Inflation, which once soared above 30%, has now plummeted to 13.5%—more than halved in a year. Yet challenges remain. Recently, doctors have raised salary demands—legitimate demands. Teachers, soldiers, police, ministers, even the Prime Minister—we all have legitimate salary demands .
But shouting from the sidelines, ignorant of fiscal realities (Where will the money come from?), solves nothing. The solution is honest dialogue—not just complaints, balanced, win-win approaches that don’t destabilize the nation, gradual, capacity-aligned responses—because sustainable answers emerge only through patience, negotiation, and strategic thinking.
EBC: Ethiopia has recently implemented macroeconomic reforms. However, this has sparked some controversies. There are growing claims that these reforms were externally influenced rather than homegrown solutions. How would you respond to these criticisms?
Abiy : We implemented economic reforms because Ethiopia needed them—our economic situation was unsustainable. Let me be clear: We initiated discussions about opening up Ethiopia’s economy during an EPRDF meeting soon as I took office before we ever engaged with the IMF. Frankly, at that time, I didn’t even know much about the IMF—whether it was “black or white,” so to speak. Second, the issue was urgent—it wasn’t about the IMF or World Bank. Our crisis demanded action. When we recognized the need to liberalize the economy, we made extensive efforts to learn from others. For example, we studied reform experiences in Nigeria, Egypt, and South Sudan—three African nations with very different economies: Nigeria and Egypt have relatively high GDPs. South Sudan has a smaller economy. We sent delegations to ask: ” How did you implement reforms? What challenges did you face?” We didn’t stop there—we also learned from Argentina’s experiences. We have made concerted efforts to learn from other nations that implemented reforms while facing similar challenges to ours. We engaged in extensive consultations with the IMF, World Bank, economic associations, and various analysts and institutions specializing in economic policy. Through this comprehensive dialogue, we gathered insights, analyzed our specific challenges, and ultimately developed our own homegrown reform program.
Our primary motivation for economic liberalization was to open up Ethiopia’s previously closed economy. This initiative emerged from our own needs and capabilities, informed by lessons from others but fundamentally our own creation.
Recently, there was a meeting in Washington D.C. with the IMF and World Bank. Our reform has been recognized as the most successful reform. What we achieved in export earnings in one year through these reforms would have taken fifteen years previously. The IMF doesn’t claim this reform as its own – they know how we initiated it. So who is saying this reform isn’t yours?
This reform emerged from Ethiopia’s realities, informed by lessons from others but tailored to our context. That’s why it’s delivering results. This is how it should be understood.
Abiy: Now, we can say that Ethiopia is the number one wheat producer in Africa. By the way, there are people who try to raise doubts about this. Ethiopia is not just the top wheat producer in Africa—it surpasses Egypt, the second-largest producer, by three times. We say this with confidence. We say it with full conviction because it is the truth. There is a significant wheat production. Attempts may be made to obscure or deny this, but anyone who drives just five or ten kilometers outside the city will see the reality. Over the past two or three years, we have not spent a single cent to import wheat. That is why I say this with my chest out. For those who say, even if you don’t buy it, wheat enters the country and we hear about it in the news,” yes, it [wheat] can come in. Ethiopia is a country hosting over a million refugees. If a country called X or Y says, “They helped us with this many billions, worth of wheat ” that doesn’t mean much to me. What truly helps Ethiopia is bringing in the wheat and feeding refugees. The world should take responsibility for those refugees. It’s not my personal problem—they come from different countries. We host them with dignity and provide education.
EBC: What efforts are you making as a government to lift Ethiopia out of dependency/aid ?
Abiy: Dependency, especially in Ethiopia’s current context, is the most humiliating thing. For a country like Ethiopia, which should be self-sufficient and feed itself, to beg from even smaller nations is deeply shameful. This generation must strive to free Ethiopia from this humiliation. Our children should only read about this in history books, not witness it in reality. We must not pass dependency on to them. We must not remain in a state of beginning. We must stand firm.
It’s not just about escaping aid —we must also stop being dependent. To be honest, begging and aid are poisons for Ethiopia. The so-called “aid” is a dirty practice that distorts politics and weakens the people. There are much of things that comes with aid . One of the things that prevents us from deciding our own affairs is this so-called aid. It is a dangerous thing that must stop. It is a toxic trap that stifles our energy for change and progress. We have set a deadline to end and reduce dependency. Ethiopia’s era of renaissance must also be a time when Ethiopians deeply understand the issue of aid. In 2021, Ethiopia had about 27 million people dependent on aid. This year, Ethiopia has only 3.9 million people who depend on aid. Twenty-three million people have been lifted from dependency. If 23 million have been freed from dependency, what problem remains, even if one person, system, or party cease to exist ? Beyond this, what greater victory is there? The number must reach zero—we must not be dependent. But lifting 23 million from such a condition—where does greater progress come from than this?
Even, the remaining 3.9 million includes over a million internally displaced persons. Our goal is to completely stop aid within the next two years, and we are working toward that. And we will succeed.
EBC: What achievements have you made as a government in diplomacy and foreign relations over the past seven years?
Abiy: The world is in a state of high uncertainty. There is nothing definitive. Nothing is stable—it is fluid. The daily news does not help in properly predicting global affairs. However, every relationship must be measured from a national interest perspective. We have changed our foreign policy. We are now focusing on neighboring countries, expanding trade relations, and fostering friendship, and multiplying friends.
EBC: What makes Prosperity Party different from past ruling parties in Ethiopia’s history
Abiy: Prosperity is a miraculous party.
In many ways, it differs from previous parties—in size, organization, mindset, results, and current standing. First, PP is the only party that fully embraces all Ethiopians without division. Second, in just a few months, it has grown to 16.3 million members, making it the largest party in Africa. It’s not just about size; it has a grand vision, clear programs, and a structured system. Its policies are not just party manifestos but are also published in books. Unlike past parties that focused on self-preservation rather than outcomes, PP is results-driven. Historically, Ethiopian parties defined themselves by identity—like the Ethiopian Workers’ Party, the Ethiopian Socialist Movement, or ethnic-based parties. They talked about themselves, not what they would deliver. For example, an “Oromo party,” “Amhara party,” or “Tigray party” describes who it represents, not what it will achieve. PP, however, shows its purpose in its name.
PP is an open party. People from abroad have joined, even changing passports to become members. Former opposition members are now part of our government. PP is inclusive—for the youth, for Ethiopians worldwide. In Ethiopia’s history, has any party won by such a margin and then invited rivals to jointly form a government? PP is that kind of open-hearted party. It is open, inclusive, free from ethnic extremism, committed to national unity, believes in Ethiopia’s potential, brings groups in the periphery to the center, is transparent, and is a party of hope—one that can set an example for Africa. It has its own clear ideas, is not bound by any rigid ideology, and is distinct from most parties.
EBC: There are governance-related concerns among the public, especially regarding corruption. How committed is the government to addressing this?
Abiy: Corruption in Ethiopia is one of the destructive paths we speak of, and unless it is controlled, it will become an obstacle to the vision I have previously outlined. Theft of money and time is a hindrance in a country struggling with poverty. However, corruption in Ethiopia has increasingly become a shared culture of the government. It has been normalized as if it is acceptable. The society, too, is gradually accepting it. A problem so deeply rooted is not something we can cut down merely through policy or rhetoric. To combat this, we have divided our approach into three chapters. The first chapter is about stopping grand government and institutional corruption. There are people who get confused when we say, there is no government corruption; it has decreased or disappeared. But I can confidently say that *here is no grand corruption in Ethiopia today. At the government level, every single cent we spend is for Ethiopia’s development. At the institutional level, there is zero corruption in Ethiopia. This does not mean that there are no corrupt individuals or officials. It does not mean that no one engages in theft or embezzlement privately. But that is a personal choice—it is not institutional. The second chapter is what we call “petty corruption.” This refers to situations where a person has to pay something extra just to get an ID card or access certain services. This is extremely frustrating and burdensome for the people. The only way to solve this is by expanding and digitizing the system. The third chapter is about building a culture that rejects corruption. It’s about creating citizens who believe in hard work and results.
EBC: It is known that corridor development is being implemented in various parts of the country. Why was it necessary to prioritize corridor development in this manner and focus on it as a nation?
Abiy: There are many compelling reasons for making corridor development a key agenda and implementing it as part of the government’s plan. It has health and economic benefits, and it **demonstrates our capacity. The fact that we are transforming our cities without taking on any debt is a source of pride for all of us. Therefore, this corridor project is highly significant. We are already seeing results, and the world is taking notice. There isn’t much to debate about it.
EBC: There are conflicts observed in some parts of the country. What are the causes of these conflicts? How committed is the government to resolving them peacefully?
Abiy: The conflicts in Ethiopia stem primarily from elite power struggles, misguided narratives, and the pursuit of power through force. Some believe power is attained solely through weapons and brute strength, or that it belongs only to those who seize it. Such flawed thinking fuels conflict—and this is our core challenge today. Let me be clear: Current armed struggles will not succeed—not only 99%, not 100%. There is no room for such delusions. The real issue in Ethiopia today is that those who lose wars return as “peace mediators,” while those who make peace are later accused. The government’s stance on peace is unambiguous. What greater proof is there than our commitment for peace than Pretoria. Historically, no Ethiopian government that was about to capture a city in 24 hours ever stopped to negotiate peace. We broke that cycle. We were only left with one or two days to enter Mekelle. We won the war decisively. Yet we chose peace because winning a war is not a lasting victory; peace must come first. In Oromia, a faction laid down arms and is now working with the government. During our conflict with the TPLF, Pretoria’s key brokers, Getachew — one of whom was their own patron and also Tsadikan . Now, we’re engaging both. Our position is clear—with OLF, factions in Amhara, TPLF, Benishangul, Gambella, Afar, and Somali regions—we want peace.But peace has a price, and we’re prepared to pay for it. Ethiopia’s tradition has never been resolving issues through dialogue—it’s been through war and conflict.That’s why we’re pioneering an inclusive national dialogue. No government in Ethiopia’s history has attempted this. So far, over 1,200 woredas have participated. Thousands of citizensare engaged. Issues from all sides are being raised. This dialogue will pave the way for lasting peace—but it’s not a cure-all. Some problems won’t vanish overnight, yet it’s a critical step. To those still outside this process: Time won’t favor you.The tide is turning. The scale of today’s conflicts pales compared to the past—but our goal is zero. We have no reason to fight each other.
EBC: What is the government doing to ensure human rights are respected?
Abiy: The government has a strong commitment to human rights. The major challenge in Ethiopia is limited institutional capacity to manage freedom responsibly. We’ve established institutions to operate freely, but when individuals—whether politicians, activists, or others—engage in criminal acts and are lawfully questioned, they often frame it as a human rights issue. This is wrong. In Ethiopia, no one is arrested for expressing their views. People are held accountable when they plan, organize, and act outside the constitution and law and to enter Arat Kilo by force. Whether a journalist, activist, or professor, as long as they operate within legal bounds, they won’t face charges. But if anyone seeks power through violence, they will be detained. Law and order are non-negotiable. Without them, chaos prevails. Journalism and politics must not become shields for criminals. Criminals cannot hide behind noble values. Journalism is a noble profession —it should not be misused to protect lawbreakers.
EBC:The next election period is approaching. How committed is the government to ensuring it will be conducted in a more democratic manner than previous elections?
Abiy: A democratic system is widely regarded as the best form of governance, especially for a diverse country like Ethiopia with varied interests , cultures, and languages. Without democracy, alternative systems hold little value for us. Elections are one of the clearest expressions of democracy, which is why we use them as a tool to build and strengthen our democratic system. Significant efforts have been made to improve upon past elections in Ethiopia’s history, and I am confident that the upcoming 7th national election will be better than the previous one. However, we must not view elections as a magic bullet—they alone cannot solve all our problems. The challenges we face are complex and require equally nuanced solutions. Thinking that everything will be resolved through elections alone is unrealistic. That said, the government is working tirelessly to ensure these elections surpass previous ones in quality. On our part, we will exert maximum effort to deliver a successful democratic election. But elections cannot succeed through government efforts alone—political parties must also be prepared to compete, present their ideas, and engage constructively. Democracy cannot be measured by standing alone; it requires collective participation and commitment.
EBC: What do you envision Ethiopia’s future to look like? What kind of future do you hope for?
Abiy: It will be glorious. Tomorrow’s Ethiopia will be a united and prosperous nation. This is what we are striving for. Ethiopia will become a harmonious, stable, and beautiful country. Our children will inherit an Ethiopia that is better than the one we knew. I am confident that the Ethiopia of tomorrow will be a nation that makes all its citizens proud, one they can hold their heads high about.
EBC: Are there things you believe must or must not happen in this country?
Abiy: I have regrets about what should and should not happen in this country. One of the things that pains me deeply is our poverty. Our poverty troubles me greatly—I detest poverty with all my being. Poverty is a terrible shackle that must be broken. This generation must overcome povert, and I firmly believe it can. Another source of sorrow is our history of division, fragmentation, and conflict. The mentality of “I am first” saddens me.
It also pains me greatly that Ethiopia has been landlocked for the past thirty years. The way this came about is deeply troubling. This grievance is not new—even before I became Prime Minister, I spoke and wrote about it. It should never have happened. I believe we must resolve the issue without harming others while safeguarding our own interest. We have enough resources. It should be resolved through dialogue and legal means, not force. The injustice committed on Ethiopia is not like any other landlocked country in the world. This angers me, and I am convinced it must be rectified. A geographically imprisoned nation—a nation imprisoned by its geography—is something that weighs heavily on me. This must change.
Martin Plaut 