Reforming the TPLF, accepting internal dissent and public pressure, is long overdue. Nothing less is required.

By Fitsum H. Gebre[1]

Background

After two years of genocide war and complete siege of food aid, humanitarian and medical supplies and denial of delivery of basic services, with huge human costs, this phase was concluded with the Pretoria Peace Agreement (COHA). One of the provisions of COHA is the establishment of all inclusive Interim Regional Administration (IRA) in Tigray, in consultation with the central government of Ethiopia. Although the guns were silent after this agreement, the situation of Tigray didn’t change for a better because of the nature from the central government and in-fighting of the transitionally government and the dominant political party, Tigray People Liberation Front (TPLF), in Tigray. We will focus on the second issue in this writing.

The first president of IRA, Ato Getachew Reda, was replaced after two years of tenure on 8 April 2025 by General Taddesse Werede. During the ceremony, the incoming president was made to sign eight-points by the Prime Minister of Ethiopia, seemingly a job description (JD). This ceremony was held in the capital of Ethiopia, attended by the diplomatic community in Addis Ababa, African Union, and facilitators of the peace agreement, underscoring who is in charge here. Titled ‘inclusive interim administration’, it calls for full return of the internally displaced persons (IDPs) to their original places, ensuring the swift disarmament and reintegration of former combatants inline with the COHA agreement, upholding rule of law that threaten public safety, stability and carry out necessary law-enforcement and judicial measures, coordinate flow of developmental activities and services and post war rehabilitation activities, end of unconstitutional and unlawful relations (perhaps referring to TPLF’s relation to Shabia’s Eritrea) and actions inline with Pretoria agreement, lay the groundwork for democratic elections by establishing the free and fair  environment for democratic election, prepare the region to participate in national-dialogue, and ensure regional state media activities to promote unity and national coherence. The JD never mentions return of the constitutionally recognized areas to the jurisdiction of IRG, which are under occupation by non-Ethiopian Defense Forces. The tenure of the new president is for one year.

Public opinion after the war

Although polling is missing, after COHA there was a desire and thirst for peace by the population at large, and a call for political transformation specially, by the new generation and elites. Looking back, I think there was a certain degree of idealism among the elites, believing that after going through two years of siege and suffering, that all parties, including the TPLF and the Tigray Defense Forces (TDF), will support political transformation and accountability in Tigray. These assumptions and aspirations for political were point of contentions between the elites and the TPLF during the last two years.

The role of the vanguard party

The TPLF’s behavior as a vanguard party, considering its sanity more important than the wellbeing of the people, is an age old believe and continues as is in the party. Focusing on recent history, the inadequate preparation to protect its people against the genocide forces and failing to play a positive force for political transformation after COHA or before it is a major culprit of this party. Its role in the post-war era, especially its failure to play as a reform party is more severe responding to people’s questions. These were roles it could have been played by the TPLF than ever: Inclusiveness and Tigrayan unity, understanding that Tigray needs parties that offer alternatives, arrange and play a critical role in reconciling differences in Tigray, critically reviewing its hitherto political lines in Tigray/Ethiopia, come up with political direction that caters the aspirations of new generation, partnership based on real politics and not an age-old axiom ‘the enemy of my enemy is my friend’. This could have solved internal problems within Tigray and help it to align horizontally with other anti-Abiy parties in Ethiopia. These changes could have been more productive, especially at this juncture where the TPLF is revoked of its legal status by the Election board of Ethiopia.

Ex-president and his future

The major achievements during Ato Getachew’s presidency, if any, was installing the terms of tolerance and sense of political reform towards democratization, a reason for his higher public approval by Tigiriayan population and youth. The challenges posed from his own party, which later, after 14th congress August 2024, led to spilt of the Central committee and followers, into Debretsion’ s and Getachew’s group, had severe consequences. Following the expulsion of Getachew’s group from the central committee of the party and their replacement, Debretsion group did all it can (finally a Coup d’etate) to remove him from power.  The major pitfall, dilemma for me, was his devotion to reform the TPLF while the party was working to hinder any progress made in the agenda of IRA, culminated by his replacement by a candidate of this group. A phased approach of this reform and  understanding of who constitutes the constituent of IRA could have been a good beginning.

Despite his history as president of IRA, his future actions will remain important in Tigray’s political landscape, remain opinion leader in Tigray. The political transition of Tigray is still open process needing consensus and cooperation of the political elites. Maintaining unity is more crucial as the main source of danger to Tigray is still there!But I have doubt whether operating out of Tigray, not to mention his association with Abiy Ethiopia, will be effective and maintain his credibility.

The new president

The new president hasn’t received appointment letter yet (nearly a month since the ceremony) from the PM of Ethiopia. He has established regional cabinet and formulated 100 days plans of the office, including settling IDPs, fulfilling the COHA commitments, ensuring Tigray-wide safety and security, inclusive governance, establishing enabling business environment, listening and responding to peoples’ demands, and repairing two-sided political polarization. The new president has, contrary to his plan of forming an inclusive government, formed a cabinet dominated by the sympathisers of Duberesion’s group and ignoring the interim regional council, which had wider representation. His background also states otherwise. The role played as vice president of IRA was marked by incapacitate the IRA’s government. As chairman of a committee for establishment of IRA, after the Pretoria Agreement, and the committee sponsored conference gave 50 plus sits for the TPLF in cabinet of IRA, ensuring the dominance of the TPLF. I personally feel that General Taddesse Werede’s contempt of plurality and diversity of ideas will be his major handicap towards plurality and inclusiveness and affecting the performance of IRA as a second term. Expecting the best, crucial for the existence of Tigray, I see him as the final opportunity to bring Tigray together, by organizing a national conference for example, to define the institutional future of Tigray and the organization of IRA, in line with his JD and 100 days work plan.

Reactions with the new president

The TPLF, which was not present in the ceremony, expressed pleasure to his nomination and approval by the PM of Ethiopia. After the transfer of power, the TPLF expressed its willingness to work with the new president. Opinion polls in UMD media and interview in Awramba times paint a positive picture of the new president.

There were negative reactions to his presidency as well. The outstanding one is the Southern Zone’s opposition to the new president and calling Debresion’s group as ‘internal existential threat’. The three national opposition parties based in Tigray also held press conference, characterizing the new IRA as characterizing the ‘dominance of one group’, lacks inclusivity and ‘absence of broad-based participation’.

Future of political landscape

Tigray has endured several hardships during the last five plus years, partly due to the weakness of political stakeholders in Tigray and the political evil at the center, and the worst is not over yet. While there are changes in the geopolitical environment, I keep wondering if a positive change in Tigray is imaginable, with the political stakeholders in Tigray disunited as ever and Abiy and his regime doing all kinds divisive game existing in Ethiopia.

Establishing the unity of political stakeholders in Tigray, forming all-inclusive government is more imperative than ever. The focus in Tigray should be rehabilitation and recovery, establishing a strong and all-inclusive transitional government, and ensuring accountability. Reforming the TPLF, accepting internal dissent and public pressure, is long overdue. Nothing less is required. Revocation of the legal status of TPLF opens a new chapter in Tigray, whether this the ends COHA agreement and its derivatives such as IRA, is something to be seen in the next few days. There is growing public opinion and fear that this could lead into another conflict, which will be more devastating and have wider geopolitical implications. The reaction of the facilitators and the international community to this new issue will be key in hindering further deterioration and a catastrophe from happening.

[1] Freelance writer based in Toronto, Canada.