On 20 June Lucy Kassa, the freelance journalist who has broken many stories on the Tigray war, published an article in the Guardian. It covered a range of issues, but was critical of how aid was being distributed in Tigray. Her article clearly stung the Tigrayan authorities, who have now responded, rejecting what she reported.
This is Lucy’s key allegation:
When the first 20 aid trucks arrived in Mekelle in April, after the truce, Tekele* and his family were hopeful that they would finally get some respite.
“I had seen the [World Food Programme] aid trucks. But the aid was not distributed. The reason the authorities provide to the media is shortage of fuel. But even private trucks have access to fuel and are operating, let alone the government,” says Tekele. “The aid that gets in is hardly reaching the starved. Meanwhile, TPLF authorities bother us every day to contribute from what we have. They have absolute power. They embezzle, and at times distribute the little aid that gets in based on political affiliation.”
The Tigrayan authorities reject what she says; this is part of their reply:
Unfortunately, this rather thinly-sourced article relies on the accounts of Tigrayans, who are, according to the report, languishing in detention camps in Amhara region, raising ethical questions about relying on sources who lack the freedom to speak what really is on their minds.
Lucy’s original article, and the government’s reply are carried in full below.
Martin
‘It’s death either way’: desperate Tigrayans flee starvation and forced conscription
People risk dangerous smuggling routes only to be held to ransom in detention camps before being allowed to continue to safety
Lucy Kassa, Mon 20 Jun 2022 12.56 BST
People in Ethiopia’s besieged Tigray region are taking dangerous smuggling routes out of the area to escape forced military service under one side and the starvation and repression imposed by the other.
Tigray has been largely shut off from the outside world during the conflict, with the Ethiopian authorities preventing access and closing down internet communications. Meanwhile, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) is forcing people to join its ranks as fighters.
Danay*, 30, and his five friends knew the route via the neighbouring Amhara region was dangerous when they decided to flee Tigray’s capital, Mekelle, in May. But as the humanitarian crisis worsened and the threat of having to join the fighting increased in their home town, they paid smugglers to take them out.
“If caught by the Amhara Fano fighters you will be killed. You also risk being murdered by machete-wielding mobs of residents. They all hate Tigrayans and are often merciless. Even paying large amounts of money to smugglers cannot be a guarantee. It depends on how lucky you are,” says Danay. He is now in a detention camp outside Jari, in Amhara, until he pays more money to his smugglers.
“I fled because the TPLF authorities have been intimidating the already starved residents to contribute money and food to the military. At times, they even nag us to feed the Ethiopian prisoners of war. They forcefully recruit, arbitrarily detain and decide whatever they want. On top of that, you see people dying from starvation and curable diseases due to the siege imposed by the Ethiopian government. It is death either way,” he says.
Danay is being held with up to 1,000 Tigrayans in overcrowded conditions after fleeing alleged “tyrannical rule”.
Ibrahim*, another man at the detention camp, says: “I did not have much problem with starvation – I was better compared to others. But I don’t want to go to war. It is not only because I am a Muslim, I just don’t want to kill people.”
Thousands of people have died since war broke out in November 2020, between Ethiopia’s federal government and the TPFL, the ruling forces in Tigray, and millions need food assistance. The UN and US accuse Ethiopia’s prime minister, Abiy Ahmed, of imposing a de facto blockade on Tigray and preventing aid from getting through.
In March, the Ethiopian government declared a “humanitarian truce” after months of international pressure.
All communications are blocked to Tigray, but the Guardian interviewed residents who managed to get out, as well as escapers in the Jari camp, who accused the TPLF of aid embezzlement and unfair treatment.
When the first 20 aid trucks arrived in Mekelle in April, after the truce, Tekele* and his family were hopeful that they would finally get some respite.
“I had seen the [World Food Programme] aid trucks. But the aid was not distributed. The reason the authorities provide to the media is shortage of fuel. But even private trucks have access to fuel and are operating, let alone the government,” says Tekele. “The aid that gets in is hardly reaching the starved. Meanwhile, TPLF authorities bother us every day to contribute from what we have. They have absolute power. They embezzle, and at times distribute the little aid that gets in based on political affiliation.”
Mehari*, who has two children, said that in April he was ordered to contribute 10,000 birr (£157) to the military.
“The papers are stamped by public offices. If you refuse to contribute, they arrest and threaten you to contribute. They arbitrarily decide who should pay, and how much,” he says.
Last month, the Tigray government claimed forced recruitment had stopped and it was not systematic. But Tigrayans who spoke to the Guardian on condition of anonymity insist it is getting worse.
“They passed an order recently that people from 40 to 55 should also join the army. Even families who previously sent five sons and daughters to the army are being forced to send more. The orders have the Tigray government office stamp. If you refuse or go into hiding the authorities arrest your parents.”
Thousands of people are paying smugglers up to 40,000 birr (£625) a person to escape the region. The network of smugglers includes Ethiopian army officers who take them to Jari where they are held until they pay a ransom. Then they cross the Amhara region to Addis Ababa, Ethiopia’s capital. Men in the camps say people face beatings, hunger, sexual propositions in exchange for leaving the camp and threats of forced recruitment by militias battling Tigray forces.
“They beat us. The camp is harsh. They harass the women, ask them for sex in exchange for leaving the camp. Escaping on your own is not an option because the Fano militia and residents threaten to murder us,” says Danay.
Kaleab* has made it outside Ethiopia. He says 80 people who were with him in the camp have disappeared after reaching Addis Ababa.
“One month ago, they transported me and 80 others from the Jari camp to Addis. But when we got to Addis, they took and held us in the Torhayloch camp. They told us we will be recruited to an army wing that battles the Tigray force. Everyone refused. We said we all fled Tigray, hating to go to war and we don’t want to fight with our own brothers. I managed to escape. The rest disappeared. The unverified information I have is that they are forcefully transported to Humera [in Tigray].”
A Tigrayan government spokesperson told the Guardian the allegations were baseless.
“The aid after the truce is far from meeting the needs in Tigray,” said Kindya Gebrehiwot. “It is no surprise people are looking for alternative means to survive, including a dangerous journey to Addis, as the Ethiopian government has suspended all services.”
* Names have been changed
Ref: T EAO/PR48/2022 Date: 2 0 June 2022
Response to The Guardian’s ’It’s death either way’: desperate Tigrayans flee starvation and forced conscription.
On June 20, 2022, The Guardian published an article by Lucy Kassa, entitled “’It’s death either way’: desperate Tigrayans flee starvation and forced conscription.” The newspaper makes three allegations. First, people are fleeing Tigray to escape forced recruitment. Second, the Government of Tigray is embezzling food aid, refusing to distribute food aid to those in need. Finally, the article alleges that the Government of Tigray forces people to make contributions—money and food—to Tigray forces. These allegations are baseless. What is more, such meritless allegations do real damage to the people of Tigray by distracting attention from their suffering and the campaign to hold their tormentors accountable. However, because we take such allegations seriously, we feel compelled to address them head on and set the record straight.
First, the Government of Tigray and Tigray’s Army are of the firm belief that forcible recruitment is inimical to the ability of military organizations to fulfill their mission effectively. For that reason, Tigray forces are composed of volunteers who appreciate the existential peril posed by the genocidal campaign against Tigray. It was volunteers motivated and embittered by unimaginable brutalities visited upon the people of Tigray that drove the invaders out of most parts of Tigray, decimating their vaunted divisions, capturing thousands of their fighters and taking control of their modern weaponry. In that regard, the invaders’ genocidal intent and acts have been essential recruitment posters for Tigray forces.
The second allegation of aid embezzlement is also baseless. To begin with, the Government of Tigray does not have a substantial role in the distribution of aid to the needy other than facilitating the works of aid agencies. But unfortunately, such a baseless allegation, repeated ad nauseam by the Abiy regime and echoed by its countless propaganda outlets, has taken a life of its own. After all, such baseless allegations help redirect the international community’s gaze away from the devastating consequences of the Abiy regime’s cruel policies towards Tigray.
Furthermore, the idea that there is abundant aid in Tigray and that the Government of Tigray is refusing to distribute it to the needy has no merit. From July to mid-December, only about 5 percent of the aid required was allowed into Tigray. No aid was delivered to Tigray from mid-December through the end of March overland. Even after the so-called humanitarian truce, the aid trickling into Tigray is far from sufficient to meet the staggering needs on the ground. In fact, from March 25 through June 17, only about 25 percent of the required aid has arrived in Tigray. Even when limited aid arrives, aid agencies are struggling to distribute it on account of the severe shortage of fuel in Tigray, as the Abiy regime has imposed a near- total ban on the entry of fuel into Tigray. Consequently, 45-50 percent of food and non-food items delivered thus far are sitting idle in warehouses in Mekelle.
Sadly, the article provides no evidence commensurate with the gravity of the allegation. The reporter could, for instance, have reached out to aid agencies to learn the facts surrounding aid distribution, including how many people have already been assisted, and how many people remain unassisted and what the bottlenecks to aid distribution are. In the rush to condemn the Government of Tigray, the report fails to grapple with the serious consequences of the Abiy regime’s continual strangulation of Tigray. Or quite simply, the reporter could have consulted the weekly UN situation reports prepared by the United Nations to learn more about humanitarian operations in Tigray.
The third allegation is that the Government of Tigray forces Tigrayans to make contributions—money, food, and other materials—to Tigray’s Army. To begin with, Tigray’s Army is composed of ordinary Tigrayans who joined it of their own volition to defend Tigray against a marauding gang of genocidal invaders that have committed and continue to commit heinous atrocities against the people of Tigray. Tigrayans see Tigray’s Army as the guarantor of their safety and security. For that reason, there is no need for the Government to compel Tigrayans to support the very entity whose existence they regard as critical to their safety and security. Every Tigrayan makes contributions to Tigray forces based on their ability and willingness, not government dictates.
Unfortunately, this rather thinly-sourced article relies on the accounts of Tigrayans, who are, according to the report, languishing in detention camps in Amhara region, raising ethical questions about relying on sources who lack the freedom to speak what really is on their minds. Indeed, the story of Tigrayans escaping hellish conditions in Tigray created by the genocidal invaders only to be tormented by our enemies on their home turf should have been the theme of the article.
The fact of the matter is that the invaders have reduced Tigray’s economy to rubble; they have suspended all essential services, including banking, making it impossible for people to access their savings. Tigray’s major cities, once bustling with commerce and vibrant day-to-day life, have become ghost towns. Given the extreme hardship and the resulting existential insecurity that our enemies have engineered across Tigray, it is no surprise that Tigrayans are looking for alternative means to survive, including by making an arduous and dangerous journey to Addis Ababa or elsewhere in Ethiopia. Presenting their departure from Tigray as evidence of something other than the quest for survival is wrong.
On a final note, independent reporters and media institutions as well as human rights organizations that wish to examine the realities on the ground are welcome to visit Tigray and see things for themselves. Sadly, the Abiy regime’s airtight siege of Tigray has made it impossible for journalists, aid agencies and advocacy organizations to do their job properly. We urge the international community to press the Abiy regime to lift this devastating blockade and provide journalists, human rights organizations and aid agencies, among others, unfettered access to Tigray.
Martin Plaut 