By Dereje T. Asefa and Dawit K. Zigta
(Personal views)
Tigrayans have been exposed to repeated genocidal wars in the last 130 years. Emperor Menelik II, Haile-Selassie and the Derg regimes had committed atrocity crimes, used starvation and rape as weapon of war, and massacred thousands of Tigrayans mainly to punish the people of Tigray for demanding their right of self-determination. Abiy Ahmed Ali has employed the same strategy with intensified manpower and technologies inflicting unimaginable sufferings over the people of Tigray. All this again for the determination of the people of Tigray to exercise their legitimate constitutional right of self-determination and organizing an election in September 2020, as he viewed the move as an obstacle to fulfil of his childhood dream to be called the “7th king of Ethiopia”.
First hope of inclusive political platform in Tigray
Tigrayans assumed that the September 2020 election, with TPLF as the front runner, would be as inclusive as possible. New Tigrayan nationalist political parties were created months before the election and participated in the election with some hope for a symbolically inclusive government to be established. To the disappointment of many, TPLF emerged as a party which was not ready for inclusivity when the results of the election were disclosed.
“Law enforcement”, an operation of Warlords
As the election was designated illegitimate by the regime of Abiy Ahmed Ali, illegal measures have been executed on all Tigrayans in the name of punishing TPLF. The regional budget has been cut off, travel restrictions were imposed, the blockade of major roads leading to Tigray were left unnoticed, essential services to be provided by federal government were interrupted and much more until the day the genocidal war officially declared on 4th of November 2020, in the name of “law enforcement operation”. Abiy who has been planning the war jointly with Isaias of Eritrea, vengeance and himself as an avenger, managed to mobilize armies of two countries, militias of neighbouring regions, as well as unmanned fighter jets to wage war on Tigray and commit horrific atrocity crimes that shocked the whole world.
This betrayal over the people of Tigray has forced Tigrayans all over the world, irrespective of their age, gender, status, religion, and political ideology, to come together to fight for survival and exposed the atrocity crimes committed. Those in Tigray picked up arms to defend their people from heartless mercenaries as much as possible. Those in the diaspora have been engaged in public diplomacy and advocacy efforts demanding corrective action from the international community against Ethiopia for the violations of international human right laws and international humanitarian laws.
All as Tigrayan and for Tigray
Tigrayans have been like swarms of bees determined to secure the “continuity of the people of Tigray” by averting the “existential threat” imposed by the genocidal forces. Tigray Defence/Diaspora forces (TDFs) emerged and became global agendas as an anti-genocidal mass mobilizations with unbelievable military victories and diplomatic attentions. TDFs embraced veterans, youth, men, women, professors, engineers, farmers, priests, sheiks, generals, members of civic organizations as well as politicians of all parties in Tigray. All as Tigrayans and for Tigray. Tigray came out victorious through an operation named after the most victorious and Iconic General Alula, Mekelle was recaptured. The compositions of TDFs have been mirror pictures of different segments of the Tigrayan society in general and the accommodability have helped for some of internationally recognized successes.
The Second failed hope of inclusivity
The Cessation of Hostilities Agreement (CoHA) signed in Pretoria has multiplied all the success stories almost by zero. The internal differences among political actors in Tigray as to how Tigray shall be governed after recapturing Mekelle and most importantly following the return from Debre-Sina might have played a role as the eventual outcome of the CoHA. The new generation and the alternative parties have been demanding the creation of an all-inclusive political platform where ideas can be raised and discussed for the best of Tigray. The older generation, mainly the TPLF leadership have persistently resisted the idea of inclusivity and stubbornly stated no other entity than the ruling party shall participate in whatsoever peace negotiation process to be organized. Protests from Tigray and the diaspora were ignored and as specified in the CoHA, TPLF unilaterally and disappointingly signed as the so called peace deal in the name of people of Tigray.
For what it is worth, CoHA has silenced the guns, but rape, murder, looting, destructions of vital infrastructure and forceful displacement of civilians are still going on by the invading forces that are in control of most of the constitutional territory of Tigray as confirmed by UN-OHCHR commissioner Volter Turk. The lives of the millions killed and displaced doesn’t look like enough for the genocidal forces as they are committing atrocity crimes 5 months after CoHA has been signed. Unfettered flow of humanitarian aid and resumptions of basic services are not secured in most parts of Tigray. The use of starvation as a weapon is continuing. Independent Medias and the UN independent investigators are denied enter to Tigray aimed obstruction of justice.
CoHA and inclusivity
Bearing all the unjust pain, Tigrayans hoped to embrace a better future through the window of the opportunity for self-administration via the establishment of an inclusive interim regional administration (IRA) and eventual election as stipulated in Art. 10 of the Pretoria agreement. When the inclusive IRA that will replace the delegitimized Government of Tigray (Art. 7) is going to establish remains unknown. However, the responsibility to initiate the political dialogue for the establishment of IRA in Tigray is given to both TPLF and the regime in Addis. The precondition of retracting TPLF by the house of people’s representatives of Ethiopia from the list of the terrorist organizations as specified on Art.-10(1) of CoHA has not happened so far. The regime in Addis doesn’t seem interested to reapprove TPLF as a political organization and thereby establishing the IRA. On the other hand, TPLF-leadership seems interested to establish the IRA and is unilaterally executing different activities of the establishment process.
TPLF is running the show for establishing the IRA unilaterally with an expectation that the regime in Addis will accept what the IRA arrangement that the party is going to propose. Getachew K. Reda, leader of TPLFs peace agreement team, has disclosed in the reporter Ethiopia that the unilateral initiative of establishing the IRA will not be realized without the involvement of the alternative parties of Tigray and the approval of the regime in Addis. Major Tigrayan stockholders are ready to participate in the IRA, but they don’t see the willingness and sincerity of TPLF to involve them. TPLFs insincerity is creating divisions in the political elite of Tigray and is disturbing Tigrayans in general, who have been hoping for inclusivity.
Whether TPLF like it or not, the issue of inclusivity mentioned in CoHA needs to be addressed. Representatives of alternative political parties, civic society organization (CSO), youth, women, religious leaders, scholars, and ethnic minorities within Tigray have to be engaged in the IRA to be established. Realizing this, TPLF is scared of losing its dominance and attempts to control the process of involving other stakeholders in Tigray’s future political platform. It has created a 9 member IRA establishing committee, which according to the party is an inclusive one, and shall establish an “inclusive” IRA in the eye of TPLF. However, the committee has encountered fierce resistance from other Tigrayan stakeholders as all members of the committee are handpicked loyal servants of the party itself who might be instrumental for securing the continuity of TPLFs hegemonic power. Alternative parties have opposed the committee and are demanding a transparent process with equal representation both in the IRA establishment process and the IRA. Scholars have expressed the importance of a transparent, an all-inclusive IRA establishing committee and are recommending an inclusive National unity government or a technocrat government” with a clear mandate. CSOs are demanding inclusivity both in the process of the establishment as well as the IRA itself.
Astonishingly, the TPLF leadership continues to defy its own people and is failing to live up to the expectations of the majority of Tigrayans in addressing the issue of inclusivity. The party is striving to maintain the hegemonic power it has relished for more than three decades. The party is also inconsistent in “what it’s telling the Tigrayan diaspora,” “How it approaches the diaspora associations”, “what the party is practically doing in Tigray” and “what the party is telling the regime in Addis”. This chameleonic nature of the party is confusing and frustrating to the people of Tigray.
Requires just a Good will
We mean that the establishment of an all-inclusive IRA is a golden opportunity for TPLF leadership where it can show political maturity and lay the foundation for a real democratic system in Tigray. By doing so the leadership can be remembered generations after generations, not only in Tigray, but also in Ethiopia and beyond. This requires just a good will! A good will to change, a good will to accommodate, a good will to try new ideas, a good will to trust and engage the new generation, a good will to prioritize the people of Tigray, and a good will to secure a better future for Tigray’s future generation. It is not good for TPLF leadership to be despised and remembered as short-sighted power mongers who does not care about their people, but just for their personal gains. Why not choose to be remembered as the Mahatma Gandhi of India, or the George Washington of America.
The existential threat imposed on the people of Tigray is imminent and can only be averted by the involvement of all capable Tigrayans in an inclusive platform.
TPLF leadership has demonstrated that party or personal interests are secondary to the interests of the ppl of Tigray during the first phase of the war. The leadership went to the mountains of Tambien and fought equally side by side with other Tigrayans. The mothers of Tigray have provided them food, heroes and heroines of Tigray have shielded them from the wolves of Abiy Ahmed and Isaias Afewerki. Tigrayans from all segments of the society have sacrificed a lot and for one another with “one for all and all for one” mentality to avert the existential threat over the people of Tigray. Alas, the existential threat imposed on the people of Tigray is still imminent and can only be averted through the involvement of all capable Tigrayans in an inclusive platform.
Inclusivity in Equal terms -a necessity for Tigray
Understandably, TPLF might fear of losing its dominance if other stakeholder enters the political landscape of Tigray. However, the fear should not overshadow the merits of inclusivity as a good start towards modernization of Tigray’s political platform with democratic values. The leadership has experienced the merits of inclusivity under the umbrella of the anti-genocidal forces-TDFs during the armed struggle. Tigrayans have realized that the people of Tigray cannot afford the repetition of the failed non-inclusive strategy of TPLF and are demanding the mistakes in the aftermath of the September 2020 election and the recapture of Mekelle in June 2021 to be rectified. This will only be addressed by an all-inclusive IRA, where all Tigrayan stakeholders shall participate in equal terms and discuss strategies of restoring the vital interests of Tigray, but not entities, which the TPLF leadership should accept and submit too.
Martin Plaut 
Realistically, Existential and Potential security threats can be averted by mobilizing the best capacities and resources of stakeholders. Equals representation is valid and meaningful only for democratic exercises .
As much as you tried to criticize the TPLF for lack of willingness and enclussivnes ,for which I am in the same Page .you failed to dissect and analyze the potential strengths or otherwise of alternatives political forces to substantiate the
way forward to avert the exitential threats.
With regards.
I welcome this piece and concur with many of their insights.
The piece gives a good historical glimpse about Tigray being exposed to repeated genocidal wars during the last 130 years by authorities in Ethiopia, including the current Prime Minister.
Contrary to Pretoria secession of hostilities agreement (in short Pretoria agreement), where Tigray Defense Forces (TDF) is put as Tigray Liberation Front’s (TPLF’s) combatants, this piece defines well what TDF stands for, embracing veterans, youth, men, women, professors, medical doctors, engineers, farmers, priests, sheiks, generals, members of civic organizations as well as politicians of all parties in Tigray. However, it also indicates that TDF was wrongly represented by fellow veterans, ‘old guards’ of the TPLF, in the committee for formulation of interim government in Tigray.
In the Pretoria agreement, the formulation of interim government in Tigray is left to the political negotiations between TPLF and central government in Ethiopia. While I see political problems emanating from the agreement itself (and its follow up Nairobi negotiations), I wanted to point out two practical issues, which significantly affected inclusivity: 1. Following the understanding of transition committee, the roles of TPLF and TDR were fundamental for the defense of Tigray against hostilities in the past two years and were to remain dominant in the politics of the interim government. This committee undervalues the need for the participation of all stakeholders in Tigray, the people at large, and guarantors of the agreement, etc in the formulation of the interim government. 2. Instead of aiming to appease the Abiy government, establishment of Tigray transition council, the highest level of authority where political inclusion and active participation of all stakeholders could be achieved. This is critical for the success of the transition, as repeatedly called for by General Tsadkan, Global Society of Tigray Scholars and Professions (GSTS) and others and could be a guarantee for genuine political reform in Tigray.
Addressing inclusivity, as the authors argued, is a golden opportunity for putting the basis for a real democratic system and better future generation for Tigray’s, as existential threat is still imminent.